Majer and Pacas Czechoslovakia eBook -3

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Frances came over on the ship Rein and was listed in the passenger log as "Servant"
 

INDENTURE :(http://www.ulib.iupui.edu/kade/adams/chap4.html)

Another reason why German immigrants never formed a solid ethnic bloc in the United States was that they crossed the Atlantic with different interests and expectations. Also, their financial means varied from the large land owner, for example, who had sold his home and farm in Württemberg and had already commissioned someone to purchase land for him in Wisconsin before leaving, right down to the penniless farm hand who could not pay passage for himself and his family and thus had to mortgage his future.

To finance their passage, many of the penniless before 1820 became "indentured servants," also known as "redemptioners." The typical indentured service contract made out with the captain of a ship provided that the fare had to be paid together with an additional 12% premium no later than fourteen days after arrival. If a passenger was not able to wipe out the debt -- perhaps with help from a relative or a friend in America -- then the captain was at liberty to "sell" the passenger into a form of servitude, often together with his wife and children, for three to four years. Estimates suggest that half of all early German immigrants financed their passage in this manner. To be sure, only non-German harbors, in particular Rotterdam and Amsterdam, permitted this manner of passage. Shippers in Hamburg and Bremen demanded cash payment.

Really profiting from this kind of contract work were the employers who in the year 1800 paid "bail" amounts of about $70 for a healthy adult in return for three years of hard work. Under normal circumstances the owner could realize a profit of between $500 and $900 from his purchase. A "serve," as these workers were known in German-American conversation, worked for about six cents per day while a "free" day laborer, who likewise enjoyed complimentary meals and lodging, earned between 50 cents and one dollar per day. A casual observer of 1823 points out the possibility for abuse:

The situation is unbelievably difficult for those people who did not pre-pay their own freight. They almost always fall into the hands of unscrupulous men. Usually only such a farmer would buy a serve [that's how the people are called who have to work to pay back their passage] who could not get any hired hands, for the simple reason that he did not treat them right. He exploits his serve miserably in order to earn back the passage costs in the shortest possible time. Once it has been earned back and the fellow leaves, nothing is lost. Often a serve is beaten like a slave [Johannes Schweizer, Reise nach Nordamerika. Leipzig: 1823,115].

Also comparable to slavery was the regulation that the indentured servant could be assigned to another master; family members often became separated from each other, even forcing children to be separated from their parents. It was not uncommon to read advertisements in the newspapers with descriptions of serves who had escaped, usually offering a reward for their recapture.

On the other hand, emigration advisers also pointed out the positive sides of indentured status. Those families who initially worked as indentured servants acclimated more rapidly to their surroundings. They picked up the language more readily, got acquainted with American farming methods, learned the techniques of craftsmen, as well as about commerce and the law. As a matter of fact, new arrivals were sometimes advised to volunteer for indentured service as a means to eventually increase their starting capital. Eventually, a federal law of 1855 forbidding contract labor immigration would have put an end to indentured service, had it not been abandoned for all practical purposes in the 1820s due to economic developments.

The dream of most German immigrants in the 18th and 19th centuries was the debt-free ownership of a farm. Taking up city residence initially often was a strategy to build up savings of $50 to $150. Around 1850 in Missouri this sum was sufficient for a down payment on a farm of about 40 acres, which was about the size needed to make a living. In addition, the immigrant needed about $500 to acquire implements, cattle and seed grains, as well as food that would last until the first harvest. The minimal chattel needed to be able to start a family farm on the western prairies around 1870 was a team of horses, a plow and other field implements as well as seed grain, which together cost about $1,200. That was more than the average annual income of a factory worker.

By comparison, German farmers were far more attached to their farms than others, succumbing less frequently to speculative fever. Instead, they tried to buy up land in their own vicinity for their siblings and children in order to be able to farm together for several generations. In 1868, a German farmer in Missouri described the opposite attitude, for which he had little sympathy:

There are people here who are forever moving around. They buy themselves a piece of land, live on it a while, work like a dog, and then, when they do not end up rich in a few short years, they curse the area, sell everything for a song, and move on to spots where they finish up worse off than when they left. Sometimes they return and would be delighted if only they could buy back their original land. In this way they frequently move five or six times before they finally come to their senses and admit that wealth does not fly into every mouth that opens [Kamphoefner, News, 168].

As a matter of fact, the persistency of Germans in certain regions of Wisconsin, the Dakotas, Minnesota, Illinois, Missouri, Indiana and Texas resulted in German islands that have lasted well into the 20tH century, at least in the sense of German conservative-rural, family-oriented values and memories.

If we categorize them by occupation, the largest group of German immigrants in any given period were those in the skilled crafts. Upon their arrival in Chicago in 1875, for example, one third of the Germans were registered as skilled craftsmen, a quarter of them as common laborers, and another quarter as farmers. Both in urban and rural settings, Germans held an equally high profile as businessmen and shopkeepers, and in the final third of the century also as skilled laborers. Some fields of work were filled almost exclusively by Germans, for example, brewers, watchmakers, distillery workers and land surveyors. They supplied a large proportion of the bakers and butchers, cabinet makers and blacksmiths, tailors and flour millers, stone masons and tinners, cigar makers, shoe makers, typesetters and printers. Well paid indeed were mechanics, plumbers, and plasterers.

Especially in high demand in the category of unskilled workers, and continuing through all periods of immigration, were domestic servants -- young women who could earn more working in an English-speaking home than in a German-language household of their fellow countrymen. Potential emigrants from certain other occupational categories were well advised not to leave Germany, for they were not in demand. For example, an emigrant guidebook of 1859 admonishes caustically but certainly not erroneously, "a sloppy student would end up a fanatic Methodist preacher; a discarded lieutenant would end up splitting wood or boiling soap; a proud Baron would end up driving a team of oxen; a Catholic priest might end up with a wife and child, happily farming; but a clever stable hand is now in charge of one of the largest business places in St. Louis" [Friedrich Munch, Der Staat Missouri, 1859, quoted by Görisch (1990), 267]. Another guidebook in the 1890s warned that, "those who should under no circumstances even consider emigration include clerks, school teachers, writers, scholars, preachers, telegraph operators, civil servants, students and military officers, even if they have to continue working under the most unfavorable conditions in Germany. For this class of people there are no opportunities whatsoever in America" [Görisch (1990), 203].

Another pointer that frequently appears in emigration guides as well as in letters coming back from America is equally down to earth, namely the nearly unrestricted right to conduct business in America, which was unheard of in Germany. This economic freedom called for both geographical and occupational mobility. Thus in 1868 a successful farmer from Missouri reported to his parents in Germany that America offered some great advantages, "the greatest is that you can be more independent than there, that you can start something today, if you are not happy or satisfied you can start something else without making a stir. That is the main thing that makes America so dear to people, the freedom of movement, in many other things Germany is almost as good" [Kamphoefner, News, 164-5].

The family as an economic unit and as the cornerstone of the social structure probably played an important role for most Germans -- farmers, skilled workers, and industrial laborers alike. Many commentators have discussed family orientation as a highly significant feature of the German-Americans. The Germans practically swore allegiance to the value of the family as the core of a strong society. Outsiders, however, in comparing German and Anglo-American family patterns, have also commented on the domineering role played by the German father and the subservience of his wife and children.

German women were less frequently employed outside the home, but the influence of their work on the farm was all the greater. Wife-beaters, however, were apparently found less in Anglo-American families than in German families. The 1868 example of Carl Wihl, a farmer in Indiana, also shows that it was less tolerated in America: "He beat up his wife for every little thing," reported his neighbor writing to Germany, "and that's not done here; here, a wife must be treated like a wife and not like a scrub rag like I saw in Germany so often, that a man can do what he wants to with his wife. He who likes to beat his wife had better stay in Germany, it doesn't work here, or soon he'll not have a wife anymore, that's what happened to Carl Wihl" [Kamphoefner, News, 139].

There is as yet no comprehensive statistical analysis concerning the German-American's choice of a mate .1 One sample that is perhaps not very representative because it deals with the lives of successful business people in Milwaukee, who themselves or whose parents had immigrated from Germany, shows the following results of mate selection: From among the 16 who immigrated before 1882 and who averaged 25 years of age, 75% married a German woman. Only three married an American, three did not get married. Of the 32 children of German immigrants who were born in America around the turn of the century of German parents, or with one parent born in Germany, and who in 1920 were at the head of their companies and married on the average at age 28, 66% married "German" women but not necessarily women who had been born in Germany. Only five of them married Americans. Six picked someone out of the melting pot and decided to marry non-Germans or a non-American, for that matter. Four never even took the plunge.


1 Studies on intermarriage between Germans and others on the American frontier include Hildegard Binder Johnson, "Intermarriages Between German Pioneers and Other Nationalities in Minnesota in 1860 and 1870,"American Journal of Sociology, 51 (1946), 299-304, and Richard M. Bernard, The Melting Pot and the Altar: Marital Assimilation in Early Twentieth-Century Wisconsin (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980).

 

 

But for the past few days we have been discussing how - post slavery rule changes - the Baptist Church could have use missionaries to become  immigration "agents" and using church system for managing indentured service with these people who come. They had been doing their worldwide expansion movement with growth using a form of minister indenture staring early in the 1800.

To research the Missionary Baptist "immigration agent" theory - we have an example we think - here are 3 passengers to pursue and find what became of them. the Rein ship log shows - people from Czech villages, it also shows these two missionaries and one servant - in addition to our known history of Frances Majer:

Rein Ship Log

New York Passenger Lists, 1820-1957
about Barbora Krhánek missionary

Name: Barbora Krhánek
Arrival Date: 5 Sep 1912
Estimated Birth Year: abt 1890
Age: 22
Gender: Female
Port of Departure: Bremen
Ethnicity/Race­/Nationality: Bohemian
Ship Name: Rhein
Search Ship Database: View the Rhein in the 'Passenger Ships and Images' database
Port of Arrival: New York, New York
Nativity: Aut;Mae
Line: 26
Microfilm Serial: T715
Microfilm Roll: T715_1927
Birth Location: Aut;Mae
Birth Location Other: hoštchrady
Page Number: 137

New York Passenger Lists, 1820-1957
about Štefanie Krhánek  missionary

Name: Štefanie Krhánek
Arrival Date: 5 Sep 1912
Estimated Birth Year: abt 1836
Age: 76
Gender: Female
Port of Departure: Bremen
Ethnicity/Race­/Nationality: Bohemian
Ship Name: Rhein
Search Ship Database: View the Rhein in the 'Passenger Ships and Images' database
Port of Arrival: New York, New York
Nativity: Aut;Mae
Line: 27
Microfilm Serial: T715
Microfilm Roll: T715_1927
Birth Location: Aut;Mae
Birth Location Other: hoštchrady
Page Number: 137

1920 United States Federal Census
about Stephanie Krhanak  stenographer

Name: Stephanie Krhanak
[Stephanie Krhonak] 
Home in 1920: Durango, La Plata, Colorado
Age: 22 years 
Estimated Birth Year: abt 1898
Birthplace: Bohemia
Relation to Head of House: Boarder
Father's Birth Place: Bohemia
Mother's Birth Place: Bohemia
Marital Status: Single
Race: White
Sex: Female
Year of Immigration: 1914
Able to read: Yes
Able to Write: Yes
Image: 951
Neighbors: View others on page
Household Members:
Name Age
Byron Eddy 38
Gladys Eddy 27
Robert Eddy 5
Donald Martin 16
Stephanie Krhanak 22
 

New York Passenger Lists, 1820-1957
about Eva Skala   servant

Name: Eva Skala
Arrival Date: 5 Sep 1912
Estimated Birth Year: abt 1896
Age: 16
Gender: Female
Port of Departure: Bremen
Ethnicity/Race­/Nationality: Bohemian
Ship Name: Rhein
Search Ship Database: View the Rhein in the 'Passenger Ships and Images' database
Port of Arrival: New York, New York
Nativity: Aut;Mae
Line: 20
Microfilm Serial: T715
Microfilm Roll: T715_1927
Birth Location: Aut;Mae
Birth Location Other: nosislaw
Page Number: 137
 

 

 

Indentured Servant
 
An indentured servant is a laborer under contract of the employer for some period of time, usually four to seven years, in exchange for such things as ship's passage, food, land and accommodations.

A major problem with the system of indentured servitude was that in many cases, an indentured servant would become indebted to their employer, who would forgive the debt in exchange for an extension to the period of their indenture, which could thereby continue indefinitely. In other cases, indentured servants were subject to violence at the hands of their employers in the homes or fields in which they worked.

The labor-intensive cash crop of tobacco was farmed in the American South by indentured laborers in the 17th and 18th centuries.[1] Indentured servitude was not the same as the apprenticeship system by which skilled trades were taught, but similarities do exist between the two mechanisms, in that both require a set period of work.

In addition to African slaves, Europeans, mostly Irish,[2] Scottish,[3] English, and Germans, were brought over in substantial numbers as indentured servants,[4] particularly in the British Thirteen Colonies.[5] Over half of all white immigrants to the English colonies of North America during the 17th and 18th centuries consisted of indentured servants.[6]

On the journey to America, people aboard the ship sailing were given a portion of food set to last 2 weeks, with no opportunity for more, and no care as to the lives of those who finished their rations early. Many passengers did not survive the trip to the new land. Some died of starvation, disease, or suicide. In Colonial North America, employers usually paid for European workers' passage across the Atlantic Ocean, reimbursing the shipowner who held their papers of indenture. In the process many families were broken apart. During the time living with their masters, their fellow indentured servants took the role of family. In return, laborers agreed to work for a specified number of years. The agreement could also be an exchange for professional training: after being the indentured servant of a blacksmith for several years, one would expect to work as a blacksmith on one's own account after the period of indenture was over. During the 17th century, most of the white labourers in Virginia came from England this way. Their masters were bound to feed, clothe, and lodge them. Ideally, an indentured servant's lot in the establishment would be no harder than that of a contemporary apprentice, who was similarly bound by contract and owed hard, unpaid labour while "serving his time." At the end of the allotted time, an indentured servant was to be given a new suit of clothes, tools, or money, and freed.

On the other hand, this ideal was not always a reality for indentured servants. Both male and female laborers could be subject to violence, occasionally even resulting in death. Female indentured servants in particular might be raped and/or sexually abused by their masters. Cases of successful prosecution for these crimes were very uncommon, as indentured servants were unlikely to have access to a magistrate, and social pressure to avoid such brutality could vary by geography and cultural norm. The situation was particularly difficult for indentured women, because in both low social class and sex, they were believed to be particularly prone to vice, making legal redress unusual.

Indentured servitude was a method of increasing the number of colonists, especially in the British colonies. Voluntary migration and Convict labor only provided so many people, and since the journey across the Atlantic was dangerous, other means of encouraging settlement were necessary. Contract-laborers became an important group of people and so numerous that the United States Constitution counted them specifically in appointing representatives:

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years....[7]

Most indentured servants were recruited from the growing number of unemployed poor people in urban areas of England. Displaced from their land and unable to find work in the cities, many of these people signed contracts of indenture and took passage to the Americas. In Massachusetts, religious instruction in the Puritan way of life was often part of the condition of indenture, and people tended to live in towns. In the north, indentured servants were more likely to be integrated with the community to some extent, with more household chores and town-oriented trade skills associated with their work. What was often great mental stress and suppression in combination with hard work and the possibility of physical abuse took its toll on many indentured servants, particularly women, who were subject to even stricter social mores than their male counterparts. Historians have speculated that these conditions might have produced symptoms of "possession" that young women attributed to witches.[citation needed]

By contrast, in Virginia, the majority of the population did not live in individual towns, and indentured servants were more likely to work on isolated farms. The majority of Virginians were Anglican, not Puritan, and while religion did play a large role in everyday lives, the culture was more commercially based. In the Upper South, where tobacco was the main cash crop, the majority of labor that indentured servants performed was related to field work. In this situation, social isolation could increase the possibilities for both direct and indirect abuse, as could lengthy, demanding labor in the tobacco fields.

Indentured servants rebelled in Virginia in response to poor work conditions and the hardships they faced after they were freed, which could include a lack of land, poverty, taxes, militia duty, and forced labor on county projects. Nathaniel Bacon's Rebellion found its support among white, disillusioned laborers in Virginia and slaves.

Indentured servants differed from slavery. There was a continuum between the designations "free" and "unfree" in the colonial period. In this sense, the development of racial thinking to separate and privilege the mainly white laborers from black slaves solidified the institution of slavery even as it opened, at least in name, opportunities for lower-class whites. Ultimately, Slavery persisted until 1865 in the South, but indentured servitude did not.

The system was still widely practiced in the 1780s, picking up immediately after a hiatus during the American Revolution. Fernand Braudel (The Perspective of the World 1984, pp 405f) instances a 1783 report on "the import trade from Ireland" and its large profits to a ship owner or a captain, who:

"puts his conditions to the emigrants in Dublin or some other Irish port. Those who can pay for their passage—usually about 100 or 80 [livres tournois]—arrive in America free to take any engagement that suits them. Those who cannot pay are carried at the expense of the shipowner, who in order to recoup his money, advertises on arrival that he has imported artisans, laborers and domestic servants and that he has agreed with them on his own account to hire their services for a period normally of three, four, or five years for men and women and 6 or 7 years for children."

In 1638, for example, several lashes were the punishment for running away. In the following year, the punishment was extended to hanging the runaway. By 1641 the law was changed such that death would be the punishment unless the servant requested that his or her service be extended after the expiration of the contract. The service could be extended up to twice the time absent, not to exceed seven years.

In modern terms, the shipowner was acting as an contractor, hiring out his laborers. Such circumstances affected the treatment a captain gave his valuable human cargo. After indentures were forbidden, the passage had to be prepaid, giving rise to the inhumane conditions of Irish "coffin ships" in the second half of the 19th century.

Indentured servitude was also used by the Hudson's Bay Company, in what is now Canada, to staff the coal mines around Nanaimo well into the late 1800s.

Modern indentured servitude takes the form of illegal immigrants paying their passage by long work-hours in harsh conditions, often at subsistence pay rates to support themselves. Such activity is not uncommon in America and Europe as well.

Article 4 of the United Nation's Universal Declaration of Human Rights (passed in 1948) declares such servitude as illegal. But, only national legislation can implement that illegality. In America, the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000 extended servitude to cover Peonage as well as Involuntary Servitude.


 

 

 

 

 



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